[新聞] 蔡總統:《臺灣關係法》奠定臺灣民主燈 at Gossiping

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【新聞】蔡總統:《臺灣關係法》奠定臺灣民主燈塔的基礎[華府智庫演講全文]

請觀看新唐人影片報導:
http://www.ntdtv.com.tw/b5/20190409/video/243386.html


【新唐人亞太台 2019 年 04 月 09 日訊】《臺灣關係法》40周年前一天(9日)晚間,中
華民國總統蔡英文,與美國華府三智庫視訊會議,發表演說。蔡英文強調,《臺灣關係法
》協助建立良善力量,奠定臺灣成為世界民主燈塔的基礎。並且回答智庫學者的問題。演
講前,美國前副國務卿阿米塔吉,以「中華民國總統」稱謂介紹蔡英文開場。

三個智庫是,「戰略暨國際研究中心」(CSIS)與「布魯金斯研究院」(The Brookings
Institution)及「威爾遜國際學人中心」(The Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars)。蔡英文在中華民國總統府,連線CSIS,與美國重要政、學界人
士進行視訊會議。

會議由美國前副國務卿阿米塔吉(Richard Armitage)擔任引言人、CSIS亞洲事務資深副
會長暨日本講座主任葛林(Michael Green)擔任主持人。總統在發表專題演講後,依序
回應阿米塔吉、布魯金斯研究院「臺灣講座」卜睿哲(Richard Bush)、「威爾遜學人中
心」亞洲計畫主任鄧志強(Abraham Denmark)、CSIS「中國權力計畫」主任葛來儀(
Bonnie Glaser)及葛林等人的提問,會議結束前並發表結語。

Youtube直播影片,包括致詞內容、也包括蔡英文回答提問,全長約50分鐘。

中華民國總統蔡英文,致詞演講全文如下:



(中文同步口譯版本)

謝謝大家。在華府的各位,早安,這是來自臺北的問候!

阿米塔吉大使,謝謝您的介紹。視訊會議由「戰略暨國際研究中心」會長何慕理開場,我
非常榮幸能在此致詞,也要感謝「戰略暨國際研究中心」、「布魯金斯研究院」、「威爾
遜國際學人中心」、以及「戰略暨國際研究中心」中國權力計畫主任葛來儀(Bonnie
Glaser)、「布魯金斯研究院」臺灣講座卜睿哲(Richard Bush)與「威爾遜國際學人中
心」亞洲計畫主任鄧志強(Abe Denmark)籌辦本次會議。

很高興看到許多臺灣的朋友,CSIS亞洲事務資深副會長暨日本講座主任葛林(Michael
Green)、以及美國在台協會(AIT)主席莫健(James Moriarty)也在現場,你們好。

臺灣這邊,再過幾小時就是四月十日了,四十年前的這一天,《臺灣關係法》通過了,為
臺美關係開啟新頁。

四十年前,臺灣史上的艱難時刻,一些重大事件的推衍促成《臺灣關係法》迅速通過。當
時在美國和臺灣的許多人士,對於臺灣的未來不表樂觀,也不知道臺灣未來能否與臺海對
岸不同。

很少人預料到,《臺灣關係法》起草人的先見之明及情誼,使得雙方最終在共享的價值基
礎上,再次深化臺美關係。

也很少人預料到,臺美夥伴關係體現前所未有的穩固,並成為世界上一股良善的力量。



(英文原聲版本)

永續的夥伴關係

在美國國會的堅定支持下,《臺灣關係法》成為美國與臺灣互動的指導原則,並且信守雙
邊過去的協議。美國透過《臺灣關係法》設立的美國在台協會,也即將搬入內湖新址,無
庸置疑已經歷過時間的考驗。

美國國會堅持立法保障臺灣安全,確保臺灣安然度過最黑暗的時期,並成為今日自由強健
的民主社會。

《臺灣關係法》不但體現美國與我們共同維護太平洋地區和平、安全與穩定的承諾,同時
也支持臺灣發展自主防禦能力,以對抗任何形式的脅迫。

美國歷任政府及國會皆信守此一承諾與支持。

1996年三月,柯林頓政府決定派遣兩艘航空母艦巡弋臺灣附近海域,遏阻中國企圖干擾臺
灣第一次總統民選時,更加彰顯此一承諾。在那個歷史性的時刻,美國和臺灣站在一起,
向世界展現對共享民主價值的承諾。

臺灣人民也予以回應,向世界展現我們決心行使民主基本進程的選舉權,證明我們有能力
加入全球自由民主國家之列。

1996年,我們的民主邁進一大步,二十年後,臺灣成為全球最自由的國家之一,臺灣人民
選出第一位女性總統。

回顧過去四十年的歷史,我相信在座各位都同意《臺灣關係法》已協助建立了一股良善的
力量,奠定臺灣成為世界民主燈塔的基礎。

臺灣挺過了歷史的挑戰,不但沒有被打倒,反而成為堅韌之島。我們努力不懈為這個區域
和全球打造一個更美好的未來。

今天藉由這個會議,我們慶祝《臺灣關係法》的成果,也重申對共享價值與共同目標的承
諾。

其中最重要的是,確保我們的全球夥伴關係持續茁壯,尤其是臺美的特別關係。

世界上一股良善的力量

過去三年來,臺美關係有顯著的進展。

在安全層面上,《臺灣關係法》制定的架構不只「提供防禦性武器給臺灣人民」,同時也
提到「任何企圖以非和平方式來決定臺灣的前途之舉—包括使用經濟抵制及禁運手段在內
,將被視為對西太平洋地區和平及安定的威脅,而為美國所嚴重關切。」

我們兩國的合作也持續落實《臺灣關係法》的精神。美國現任政府已宣布要穩步對臺軍售
,同時還有其他方案在籌劃中。

美國也持續支持臺灣發展國造能力,目前,臺美兩國間的訓練以及合作計畫已更加緊密堅
實。

但是,這一切只有在臺灣有能力並決心自主防衛時才能奏效。我們不能期待別人做我們不
願做的事。所以,我從2016年以來,強化國軍戰力就成為我的施政重點之一。

我們已經連續兩年增加國防預算。這些預算將用在加強國防策略、技術與軍力,確保我們
的國軍更加敏捷靈活並與時俱進,這些都揭櫫在我全力支持的「整體防衛構想」中。

前開作為,並不是要引發衝突,而是要恪遵《臺灣關係法》的精神,確保臺海永久和平。
如果我們沒有能力遏止脅迫和侵略,就無法獲致和平。

這個區域的外交官也正一起攜手合作,推動我們共享的價值及利益,並對抗威權主義在全
球逐漸興起的浪潮。我們太了解威權主義的危險,其基本思想是反對自由以及人民的選擇
權。

《臺灣關係法》明載:「西太平洋地區的和平及安定符合美國的政治、安全及經濟利益,
而且是國際關切的事務。」

上個月,臺灣和美國宣布成立「印太民主治理諮商」平臺,幫助我們和理念相近的國家合
作推動良善治理與人權。

我們也合作推動區域宗教自由。上個月,臺灣和美國共同舉辦了「印太區域保衛宗教自由
公民社會對話」,在全球宗教自由遭受威脅之際,我們一起發聲,我們要保護所有民族的
宗教自由,因為沒有人該為自己的信仰被處罰甚至「再教育」。

臺美「全球合作暨訓練架構」,是我們針對全球急迫性議題合作的一個好例子,我們不只
為這項計畫增加了三倍預算,也一起參與因應女性賦權、媒體識讀等更多議題。最近,我
們也歡迎日本的加入,讓區域夥伴藉由這個架構一起促進共享的價值與利益。

我們也要破除外界認為我們的價值觀可以或應該受到威權政府威逼利誘所操縱的想法。

因此,我們正加強與美國「海外私人投資公司」合作,尋找在這個區域及友邦的投資機會
。我們早在1952年就開始合作,而《臺灣關係法》也有條文規範這樣的合作關係。今天,
我們已從受援國轉變為高科技強國,有能力也有專業可以跟美國一起支援友人與夥伴的經
濟發展。

這一切都發生在我們的國際空間遭受前所未有挑戰的時刻。

中國正在大肆否決臺灣人民國際參與的機會,他們這麼做,不是因為今天是民進黨執政,
也不是因為我們不承認九二共識。他們這麼做,是因為他們真心認為臺灣人民沒有獨立參
與全球事務的權利。

中國的所作所為干擾兩岸關係的良性發展,造成兩岸的不安。

所以我們非常感謝美國和其他理念相近的國家持續支持我們在國際社會的努力。我們看到
美國致力維護我邦交,並遏止中國在那些國家的影響力。另外每半年一次的國際組織諮詢
會議中,我們也看到越來越多理念相近的國家支持臺灣參與聯合國專門機構,以確保臺灣
在國際社會的貢獻獲得肯定。

《臺灣關係法》通過後,我們也看到了臺美經濟關係的長足進展。今天,擁有兩千三百萬
人的臺灣是美國第11大貿易夥伴。我們的經貿關係是互補的,而不是相競的,兩國的貿易
持續顯著升溫。

《臺灣關係法》通過時,很少人預見臺灣的國際企業現今在美國投資及採購的速度。相對
地,美國科技巨擎包括Google、Microsoft、Amazon和IBM過去一年也擴大在臺布局。

除了這些正面的發展外,我們還看到許多發展潛力。這也是為什麼我們亟盼與美國洽簽雙
邊貿易協定,我們可以共同打造一個以價值及理念為基礎的協定,成為印太地區其他國家
的典範。

《臺灣關係法》希望建立一個能夠保障我們共同利益的關係,並提供一個捍衛共享價值的
架構。在世界局勢日益複雜、充滿挑戰的時刻,這比以往更加重要。

我們從上個世紀學到一件事,那就是民主的進展不會是從天而降。

此時此刻,世界各地的反自由民主勢力越來越激進。我們以自由與個人自由作為進步的指
標,而他們卻在海內外散布恐懼和施加控制。

事實上,不到兩個禮拜前,中國人民解放軍的兩架戰機跨越了臺海中線,破壞了二十多年
來維繫和平與穩定的默契。

美國國家安全顧問波頓(John Bolton)大使在推特發文表示:「中國的軍事挑釁無法贏
得臺灣人民的心,只會加強世界各地人民珍視民主的決心。《臺灣關係法》跟我們的承諾
非常明確。」

我們完全同意。

面對今日這些傳統以及非傳統的挑戰,更有必要共同回應。臺灣已準備好、很樂意、也有
能力盡一己之力,達成我們共享的願景。

我的承諾:一個可信賴的夥伴

在《臺灣關係法》四十週年之際,我們矢志要確保臺灣人民能夠堅持民主信念,繼續享有
免於恐懼與脅迫的生活。

《臺灣關係法》的起草人早在四十年前就啟動了這項工作,惟至今尚未完成,當我們落實
區域的自由、開放、民主時,即大功告成。

臺灣不只是接受者,而是參與其中的夥伴。

在這個關鍵的時刻,最重要的是確保《臺灣關係法》的條文和精神歷久彌堅,讓我們共享
的價值繼續形塑這個區域的未來。

雖然我今天人不在華府,但我們共同的願景,讓我們兩國較以往更密切合作。

在各位的支持下,我們大家一起努力,繼續提醒全世界,臺灣是世界上一股不可或缺的良
善力量。謝謝大家。

英文全文如下(English Version)

20190409 CSIS Video Teleconferencing speech


Thank you, and hello Washington, DC. Good morning from Taipei!

Rich, thank you for your kind introduction just now. It is such a privilege
to address this conference, opened by Dr. Hamre. I want to thank CSIS, the
Brookings Institution, and the Wilson Center, as well as Bonnie, Richard, and
Abe, for organising this event.

It is a pleasure to see many friends of Taiwan, including Michael Green, and
Chairman Jim Moriarty, in the audience.

Here in Taipei, the clock will soon turn to April 10th. On this day 40 years
ago, the Taiwan Relations Act was enacted, opening a new chapter in Taiwan-US
relations.

The momentous events that led to the swift passage of the TRA forty years ago
marked a difficult time in Taiwan’s history. Many, both in the United States
and here in Taiwan, were not optimistic about Taiwan’s future – or not
clear as to whether that future could remain distinct from that of across the
Strait.

Few could have imagined that the foresight and friendship shown by the
drafters of the TRA would eventually allow this relationship to blossom
again, this time based on our shared values.

And few could have imagined that the Taiwan-US partnership would become
stronger than ever, and a force for good across the world.

With the US Congress’s steadfast support, the enactment of the TRA set out
the guiding principles defining how the US engages with Taiwan, and honours
our past agreements. The TRA also established the American Institute in
Taiwan (AIT). Today, there is no question that AIT, which is about to move
into its new home in Neihu, has withstood the test of time.

By insisting on language that assures Taiwan’s security, Congress made sure
that Taiwan would survive its darkest hour, and have the opportunity to
transform itself into the free society and robust democracy we are today.

What the TRA also reflects, is the United States’ commitment to our shared
interests of peace, security, and stability in the Pacific. It has supported
Taiwan’s development of the defence capabilities that we need, in order to
resist any form of coercion.

And this commitment and support has been honoured by successive
administrations and the US Congress.

It featured prominently in March 1996, when the Clinton administration sent
two aircraft carriers to sail through the waters near Taiwan to stop China’s
attempts to disrupt Taiwan’s first direct presidential election. At that
historic moment, the US stood with Taiwan, showing the world its commitment
to our shared democratic values.

And the people of Taiwan responded in kind, showing the world our resolve to
exercise our right to vote, a fundamental democratic process, proving that we
were capable of joining a global community of free and democratic nations.

So in 1996, our democracy took a big step forward. And twenty years later,
Taiwan is one of the freest countries in the world, and the people of Taiwan
elected their first female president.

With the benefit of hindsight from forty years of experience, I trust that
everyone here today agrees that the TRA has helped create a force for good,
and laid the foundations for Taiwan to become a beacon of democracy in the
world.

Taiwan survived the challenges posed to us by history. We were not defeated.
We are an island of resilience. And we have been working tirelessly to
contribute to a brighter tomorrow for our region, and the world as well.

Today, at this conference, we commemorate the achievements of the TRA, but we
should also recommit ourselves to our shared values, and common sense of
purpose.

Foremost among them is ensuring that our global partnerships remain strong,
particularly the special bond between Taiwan and the United States.

Over the past three years, we have made significant progress in advancing
this relationship.

In terms of security, the TRA laid out a framework to not only “provide
Taiwan with arms of a defensive character,” but also “to consider any
effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means,
including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the
Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States.”

Cooperation between our two countries has continued to fulfil the spirit of
these articles. Already, a steady drumbeat of arms sales have been announced
by the current US administration, and we have more in the pipeline.

The US has also continued to support the development of indigenous
capabilities that we are capable of building here in Taiwan. And right now,
the training and cooperation between our two countries could not be closer or
more robust.

But all of this only works when Taiwan is capable and determined to defend
ourselves. We can’t expect others to do what we are not willing to do by
ourselves. So since 2016, part of my primary goals is to strengthen our
defence capabilities.

Already, we have increased our defence budget over the past two years in a
row. These funds will go into strategies, techniques, and capabilities that
make our fighting force more nimble, agile, and survivable. These ideas are
encompassed by the Overall Defence Concept, which has my support, one hundred
percent.

We are making these investments not because we pursue confrontation. Quite
the opposite. Our intention is to uphold the spirit of the Taiwan Relations
Act, and provide for lasting peace across the Taiwan Strait. But we can’t do
this when we don’t have the ability to deter coercion and aggression.

Our diplomats across the region are also working hand in hand to promote our
shared values and interests, and push back against the growing tide of
authoritarianism around the world. We know the dangers of authoritarianism
too well. It is an ideology that is fundamentally at odds with freedom, and
the people’s right to choose.

As the TRA states: “peace and stability in the area are in the political,
security, and economic interests of the United States, and are matters of
international concern.”

Last month, Taiwan and the United States announced the launch of the
Indo-Pacific Democratic Governance Dialogue, which will be a platform for us
to pursue joint projects advancing good governance and human rights among
like-minded countries.

We are also cooperating to advance religious freedom in the region. Last
month, Taiwan and the US co-hosted a Dialogue on Securing Religious Freedom
in the Indo-Pacific Region, to make a stand, as religious freedom is being
threatened around the world. We want to safeguard the religious freedom of
all peoples, because no one deserves to be punished or “re-educated” for
his or her own faith.

The Global Cooperation Training Framework (GCTF) is another shining example
of our joint work on pressing global issues. We have not only tripled the
budget for this program, but we are engaging on more issues than ever before,
ranging from women’s empowerment to media literacy. And recently, we have
welcomed the inclusion of Japan, making this truly a framework for regional
partners to promote our shared values and interests.

We also want to push back against the notion that our values can – or should
– be dictated by economic carrots and sticks, particularly by authoritarian
governments.

So we are stepping up our work with the United States Overseas Private
Investment Corporation to find opportunities to jointly invest here in the
region, and across our diplomatic allies. Our engagement dates back to 1952,
and an entire article in the TRA is dedicated to this relationship.
But today, we have gone from a net recipient of aid to a high-tech
powerhouse. And we have the capability and expertise to work with the United
States to support the economic development of our friends and partners.

All of this is taking place at a time our international space is under
unprecedented challenge.

China has engaged in a relentless campaign to deny our right to participate
in international affairs. They don’t do this because it is a DPP
administration, or because we don’t recognize the 1992 consensus. They do
it, because they genuinely believe that the people of Taiwan don’t have an
independent right to participate in global affairs.

That is troubling and destabilizing for the healthy development of
cross-strait relations.

So we are grateful that the United States and other like-minded countries
have continued to support us in our international endeavors.

We have seen all that the United States has done to help maintain our
diplomatic alliances and counter China’s influence there. And following our
biannual international organization consultations, we have seen a coalition
of like-minded countries gradually emerge to continuously support Taiwan’s
participation in UN-specialized agencies, and make sure that Taiwan’s
contributions can be appreciated by the international community.

Economic relations are another area where we have seen great progress since
the passage of the TRA. Today, Taiwan, a country of 23 million people, is the
United States’ 11th largest trading partner. It’s a complementary
relationship, not a competitive one.

And trade has continued to increase significantly.

Our global enterprises are investing in and procuring from the United States
at a rate that few people in the time of the passage of the TRA could have
imagined. And vice versa, as major US technology giants, including Google,
Microsoft, Amazon, and IBM expand their presence in Taiwan over the past year.

Despite these positive developments, we see potential to do more. Which is
why I have made clear our intention to engage in a bilateral trade agreement
with the United States.

We have the potential to work together in crafting an agreement that is based
on our values and ideals, which can be used as a model for the rest of the
Indo-Pacific region.

The Taiwan Relations Act envisioned a relationship in which our shared
interests could be protected. And it provided a framework where one day we
could defend our shared values. In today’s world of increasing complexity
and challenge, this has been more necessary than ever before.

One thing that we learned from the previous century, is that the forward
march of democracy is not a given.

Even as we speak, forces working against freedom and democracy are becoming
more active around the world. For while we measure progress in terms of
freedom and individual liberty, the metrics they use are fear and control,
both at home and abroad.

In fact, less than two weeks ago, China’s PLA sent two fighter jets across
the median line of the Taiwan Strait, breaking a tacit agreement that has
served the interests of peace and stability over the past two decades.

US National Security Adviser John Bolton tweeted: “Chinese military
provocations won’t win any hearts or minds in Taiwan, but they will
strengthen the resolve of people everywhere who value democracy. The Taiwan
Relations Act and our commitment are clear.”

We could not agree more.

Given the traditional and non-traditional challenges facing us today, the
need for a collective response has never been clearer. And Taiwan is ready,
willing, and able to do our part to achieve our shared vision.

So on the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act, we must be willing to
work harder to ensure that the people of Taiwan can continue to live free
from fear, and coercion for their belief in democracy.

The TRA drafters began their work 40 years ago. But their work remains
unfinished. Their vision will only be fully achieved when our region becomes
free, open, and democratic.

Taiwan is not just a recipient of this. We are a partner in this.

At this critical moment, it is more important than ever to ensure that the
letter and spirit of the TRA prevail, and that the values we share continue
to shape the future of our region.

Even though I am not in Washington DC with you all, our shared vision has
made our two countries feel closer than ever before.

And together, with your support, we will continue to remind the world that
Taiwan is an irreplaceable force for good in the world.

Thank you.

--
             『我的腎臟被偷了~~』    中共偷了法輪功學員的內臟、眼角膜、     
        ◣   ╱                      皮膚等部位拿去盜賣、移植,不法圖利     
    █⊙◣                                         
        ██◣                                    ==
  獨角獸查  理                         被活摘器官,死去的法輪功學員     
http://www.epochtimes.com/b5/10/5/14/n2902344.htm                           

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